The Governor, whom I saw the next morning, was no more a fan of the U.N. than Carlos.  He
was meeting with some of the local university professors, and his video man was on hand and our
45 minute interview was aired in toto on t.v. that night (the announcer said I was a representative
of the UN named "Shoumatox."). Norbert kind of put me on the spot.  Suddenly I had to answer
for all the U.N.'s sins. "Where is this deployment force to make Lusaka work ? It is either
embrace Lusaka or take up arms," he grandstanded.  "We have lost $16,800,000 in tourism from
the last six years. There is no international rehabilitation and no security except for local efforts to
maintain it and the source of the insecurity is who ?We are beginning to wonder if there is not a
U.N. plot. They sent us the Interahamwe and it is they who must get rid of them." 

    There were three possibility for the refugees, as the governor  saw it : "1) they can return to
Rwanda voluntarily. Our Bureau of Pacification has already repatriated 7,200 to reinsertion
camps. 2) integration into the Congolese population. But they rape our women, kill our students
and professors [he was playing to his academic audience], so integration and reconciliation are
hypoth‚tiques. We don't know how to cut throats and the breasts of women. And 3) ‚loignement.
 We are for this. Send them to Angola or Zimbabwe. These are not populated countries. Let them
find out what the Interhamwe are like."

      At the final meeting with Kasereka, Carlos, and Mushenzi, knowing that I was on the way to
meet with the powers that be  in Goma and Kigali, said they would be grateful for whatever help I
could be in getting some movement in the effort to evict the magistrat from the park. I said I had
hired to asses the conditions, not to advocate, but I would see what I could do  . The three of
them had modified their position since our last conversation and were now okay for an RCD/RPA
sweep of the villages around the park for negative forces, as long as the park had nothing to do
with it and the oppression didn't enter the park. I flew to Goma with the official report on the
attack for Mburanumwe. Dr. Ernest Ilunga, the president of RCD-Goma, had not returned from
West Africa (he has since resigned with his two vice-presidents, probably at the urging of the
Rwandans), so I continued to Kigali, where I met with Patrique Mazimhaka, Kagame's point man
for the Great Lakes. I told him there is a corrupt magistrat in Bukavu who is in complicity with
the Interahamwe who has a farm in the park and if you got rid of  him and  got the ones who
attacked the mapping commission, you would be scoring a badly needed public-relations grand-
slam : you would demonstrate that you are actually doing something about the Interahamwe
(which everybody in the Kivus says you are doing nothing about because they provide an excuse
for your continued presence); you would demonstrate that you are doing something to protect the
resources of Congo instead of just ripping them off, and capturing the killers of the tourists in
Uganda would get you major brownie points in the communaut‚ internationale.

       As for locating the 20 bands of Interahamwe in and around the park, I suggested that maybe
he could enlist of the American  high-resolution surveillance station east of Lake Edward, which
had been so useful when the AFDL was on its way to Kinshasa. Mazimhaka was very intrigued
and thought it was all a great idea and said he would talk to Kagame about it. I filled in Guy de
Bonnet on our conversation, but he has not yetfollowed up with Mazimhaka, a new spike of anti-
Rwandan sentiment having broken out in Bukavu with the death in Rome  of the  nationalistic,
anti-Nilotic Monsigneur Christophe Munzihirwa, who had been exiled  by the RCD. I gave a full
report on my trip to Susan Page, the political officer who monitors  Rwanda-controlled eastern
Congo from the American embassy in Kigali but seems to know nothing about it (she had never
heard of the Island of Idgwi or of the UNF project and had no idea even of the location of the
national parks). I described the deplorable situation in PNKB in detail and said how helpful the
surveillance station on Lake Edward could be in dislodging the Interahamwe. Page said
Mazimhaka would have to take it up with Ambassador Staples. The Americans don't seem
terribly eager to be involved. 

         The latest news from Kasereka is very disappointing. It seems that all the Kivu justice
system is going to do is slap the magistrat's wrist with a letter of censure. There will be no
attempt to take away his farm. Status quo, in other words. The negatives forces will continue to
kill people and animals with impunity. A lot of parties seems want it that way.   Kabila wants the
Interahamwe there, and is continuing to give them support,  to keep destabilizing the RCD, as are
many prominent citzens of  Bukavu.  The RPF would rather have them in the forests of  Congo,
all things considered, destabilizing the situation there, than  in Rwanda, and their presence gives
them a legitimate national security reason to stay there themselves. "I think we will see further
disintegration of Congo before it comes back together as a state," T‚ogŠne Rudasingwa,
Kagame's chief of staff, told me. "Ilunga is weak [and now out], so is Wamba,  Bemba's appeal is
confined to Equateur. Already there is a local sub-state forming at Goma. We will always have a
vested interest in the Kivus and will not be leaving there any time soon. And if Congo breaks up
into several states that will be fine with us."  Because if a strong unified Congo united with the
majority Hutus in Rwanda who show no remorse for what they did in l994, it could be all over for
the Tutsi and the RPF.
 

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