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BUNIA
I was not looking forward to the next leg of my journey getting
to Bunia, the capital of
RCD-ML. Prior to my departure the
UN's IRIN bulletins (an invaluably detailed source of day-to-
day conditions in the DRC) reported
that inciviques believed to be NALU rebels and/or ex-FAC
deserters were assaulting vehicles
traveling from Beni to Bunia at Mufutabangi and abducting the
female passengers into the bush.
And there was also heavy banditry by a band of mixed deserters
along the 60 km. stretch from Mambasa
to Lolwa, which is particularly abim‚e. A kumba kumba
had had his dried fish and his bicycle
stolen a few days earlier, and a woman had been abducted
from a motorcyle. Plus 400 UPDF
soldiers coming west on the road from Bunia, perhaps to
reinforce Bemba in Equateur, and
they would certainly not let such a windfall as a mundele
(lingala for white) on a motorbike
pass without relieving him of at least some of his goods.
Mapilanga thought it would be safer
to return to Beni and fly to Bunia, and he didn't get any
argument from me. Getting in and
out of RFO in one piece is a serious problem, and I am with
Karl that the airstrip should be
reopened. But the strip has to be controlled by the park. If
undesirable parties like Kabila's
soldiers are trying to land, empty oil barrels can be rolled out.
Terese is worried that the reopening
of the airstrip would require the presence of RCD soldiers
who could cause problems,
that it could be used to get resources like coltan and ivory out like
the five strips in and around PNKB.
The security on the ground from Beni and Bunia, she argues,
is a personal problem, not the park's.
But sooner or later somebody is going to be not just robbed,
as Karl was a few weeks after I
left, but killed, and that will not be huge loss. It was Karl who
said, "And if I die, just bury me
somewhere in the forest."
Karl
instructed me how to behave should I be waylaid : in one pocket, you have
your first
offering. If the bandits are not
happy with that, you produce your second offering. If they still
want more, you let them have it.
Under no circumstances should you resist. They would have no
qualms about killing you on the
spot.
Passing
back through Mambasa, I called on the interim administrator of the
territory,
Nyamabaku-dudu Marc. After telling
him that I did not appreciate being shaken down by his
colleague Fredu, I asked if he thought
the existence of the RFO was a positive thing. "We can do
nothing," said Nyamabaku-dudu. "It
is an organism that has been around for many years." As for
the UNF's project, he assured me,
"We are here to cooperate. We are open." Are there any plans
to do something about the poaching
? (I was sworn to secrecy about the joint operation with the
Ugandans. Colonel Angina had said
if word gets out that the RCD command in Mambasais going
to be removed it could backfire
badly, and the deal is off.) "We hear some chefs coutoumiers are
involved and we are investigating,"
he told me. "The population and the deserters of Mobutu,
Kabila, and Wamba are hard to control,
because we don't have much of a unified strike force, but
we will send a report to our superiors
and they will tell us what to do. Why hasn't the
conservateur sent us a report on
the coltan mining in the park ? It's been going on for six months.
The miners are possibly put up to
it by les exterieurs." Who told them the stuff was valuable ?
"Maybe buyers in Mambasa, Bunia,
and Beni. The miners say they have no alternative, and it's
true."
On the trip back down to Beni we passed fifty pygmies dancing. At
Luemba the RCD
commandant for the region, or so
he identified himself, flagged us down and commandeered two
litres of our gas for his motorcycle.
He made me open my bag, hoping there was ivory in it that he
could confiscate, and instead found
my small traveling guitar which he took a fancy to. I said I
need that and you can't have it
and it you bug me any more I'll tell Wamba, whom I'm on my way
to see." "Don't threaten me with
Wamba," said the commandant. "He does nothing for us. Kabila
gave us $100 in the beginning, but
Wamba has never given us anything. On se d‚brouille."
In the end, he contented himself with the gas, and we sped on until we
reached Kambale
Kisuki's house. A dozen women were
sitting on the back porch, knitting silently, the Beni knitting
club. Rosie Ruf had taught
them.
Kisuki's gave me some hard-hitting questions to ask Wamba, and in the morning,
just as he
was about to take me to the airport,
some Ugandan soldiers came in a truck and took him away.
"It's good that you're seeing this
how we are treated," he said as they drove off. His driver
explained, "Wamba ordered
all the ministers to Bunia where he can keep an eye on them and
Kisuki refused." Kisuki was in the
camp of Mbusa Nyamwisa, Wamba's former prime minister
who was now trying to overthrow
Wamba along with his former finance minister, John Tibasima.
Mbusa controls Beni, Tibasima controls
the Ituri district. A few weeks earlier Tibasima had
fomented a mutiny of the Third Battalion,
which is mostly Hema, a tribe of Nilotic pastoralists
whose 70-year-old land struggle
with the Bantu agriculturalist Lendu has for the first time turned
genocidal, with 7,000 killed last
year, perhaps in an aftershock of the big atomic genocide in
Rwanda six years ago. The battalion
went to the forest demanding Wamba's removal, accusing
him of being tribalistic and anti-Tutsi.
Wamba dia Wamba is a Mukongo from Bas Congo. Kisuki
spent a few days in jail and was
released. A few days later Mbusa and Tibasema launched a putsch
against Wamba with some of the local
Mayi Mayi, but were beaten back by the UPDF.
Subsequently they all appeared to
have kissed and made up, but the latest (as per Oct. 25 IRIN
bulletin) is that the situation
is spiraling "out of control" according to Wamba . Colonel Angina
has been transferred to Wamba's
chagrin (and what does this means for the operation in RFO ?),
and Ugandan officers supporting
his rivals and erstwhile deputies Mbusa and Tibasima have taken
the airport and the radio station.
NO GAS IN BUNIA
I
flew to Bunia that morning, the 27th. The taximan had no gas. We ran out
after a quarter of
a mile, then his battery gave out,
and finally the whole vehicle started rattling violently and it took
an hour to get to Morgan's, the
European-style guest house. Morgan (a Congolais who was
adopted by a Belgian named Morgan)
had had four Toyota 4/4's, with which he had taken tourists
to Epulu, but had been looted by
Mobutu's soldiers, and the guest house was trashed. He was
rebuilding his life little by little.
"We live dans un pays Western," he told me.
Morgan is a useful contact and ready
to be of help. He introduced me to his cousin, Thomas
Luhaka, the RCD's gentle young vice-commisar
of defense, who came from the diaspora like
most of Wamba's entourage. He was
teaching law at the University of Paris II. Luhaka went to
Wamba and returned with the news
that "the professor will see you at 16:00."
Luhaka
had no gas, either, so we walked to the sparsely furnished mansion, out
on a spur,
where Wamba stays. Wamba knew my
work. "He says you are a grand journaliste who writes
things that are justes," Luhaka
told me. I had given an enthusiastic blurb to his son Phillippe
Wamba's book, Kinship, about Afro-Americans'
quest for their African roots, and had sent word
through Phillipe that I hope one
day we would meet. I found Wamba to be much as Robert
Mwinyihali described him :
"calm and very intelligent. He understands problems intellectually
and puts them in their theoretical
context, but he is an academic, not a politician. He says he who
kills the environment is committing
suicide, but he has no means to intervene. Most of his
entourage thinks the forest is there
for quick enrichment." Wamba struck me an ivory tower type
who is surrounded by warlords. He
would make a great rector of the university but will never be
president any more than Ilunga,
a weak puppet of the Rwandans, will. He spent from l981 to l998
as a professor at the University
of Dar Es Salaam teaching African historiography and the history
of imperialism worldwide,
including colonialism and neocolonialism. He was the chairman of the
meeting that created the RCD in
August 98, but by the following May he was eased out by a
putsch in Goma and created his own
faction. We talked for four hours.
I left with the impression that
he has no illusions about his presidentiality and is genuinely
interested in promoting an inter-Congolese
dialogue in which everyone sits down at the table and
works out their differences and
decides what the new state will be. "Congo's traditions are
democratic," he told me. "The Bakongo
king was elected by a small college which chose one his
predecessors numerous nephew, so
it's wasn't hereitary in a sense. Where there wasn't a king, the
villages had palavers. There wasn't
a real chief with real power, it was more egalitarian. Everyone
sat in the baraza and had their
say, and the elders empowered the chief to take action. But then
the Belgians made the chiefs the
executors of their corv‚e and other exactions, and they became
petty tyrants." What Wamba wanted
to see was two parliaments. One would be an ethnic
parliament, in which each of 450
ethnic groups, no matter how big or small, had the same vote,
which could decide on how to resolve
ethnic questions like the Hema-Lendu problem, for
instance, could rule who came first
and who is entitled to what. Then there would be an elected
chamber for matters of national
scope.
I observed that the UNF project offered a golden opportunity for
the three rebel factions to
collaborate on an issue of mutual
concern, which might lead to greater cooperation and
reconciliation, and for their soldiers
to channel their energies into something positive and
patriotic. Wamba agreed. I pointed
out that the forests of Haut Congo are some of the last
relatively intact primeval rainforests
on earth, and that it would be a mistake to exploit them
prematurely, because they were money
in the bank. The trees would only keep growing and
become more valuable, and the next
generation of reserachers would have much more
sophisticated means to decode the
DNA of the plants, etc.; perhaps the cure for AIDS or cancer
was waiting to be discovered in
some fungus. "We have to discover a way of living where we are
not disturbing much of the forest
and at the same time are living allright," Wamba said. What
practical modalities do you plan
put in place to support the UNF project ? I asked. "We will give
guns and training to the guards
and control the illegal arms circulating and reintegrate the
deserters. We need Uganda for a
while. In Lusaka [the accord of August, l999, in which the
belligerents except for Kabila agreed
on a plan for ceasing hostilities and in the case of the foreign
allies, withdrawing from the country],
they have responsibility for maintaining security until we
resolve they should go. Once a liberation
movement takes power, if it doesn't change the politics
of armed struggle the tendency will
be to resolve problems violently. Once you have soldiers
outside their country for a long
time and no politicians on the terrain to keep them in line the
temptation to steal by force is
very great. This very tempting area. There has to be some political
element that emphasizes the duties
of soldiers."
I praised Kambale Kisuke to the skies and asked Wamba what he thought
of him. "Kisuke is
one fellow we want to keep in the
new circle," he said. "Usually we have somebody who deals
with the dossier. If need be we
could appoint a specific person to liaise with UNF and the parks.
Kisuke is fine with me. We could
appoint some high officer to investigate the d‚gats of the
soldiers. That we could do." I should
point out that Kisuke was not angling for such a position,
nor did I suggest him. The idea
just came out in conversation, but it may not be a bad one.
I
told Wamba about a recent discussion I had had with Al Gore about Africa.
Gore told me
about a physicist called Prirogine
who won the Nobel prize for a new law of thermodynamics
which pertains for open systems
(in which the energy flows in and out). When the energy becomes
more than the system can handle,
it breaks down, and simultanously a new, more complex system
starts to develop. This process
of "creative destruction" is what Gore thinks is happening in the
environment (excess co2 is wreaking
havoc with existing climate regimes and weather patterns),
and in Africa, where the "state,"
an invention and an imposition of the Europeans, is breaking
back down into smaller, more meaningful
ethnic and tribal groups. Wamba found this take
intriguing. "One has to consider
what form this principle of themodynamics expresses itself in
terms of society," he said. "If
you look at the breakdown of Mobutuism : his notion of geopolitics
was that each group can gather its
fruits and nature, which gives the fruit, will deal with the
maintenance. But here an open system
needs feedback and maintenance. In places where there is
not enough space or resources for
everybody, the notion of who was here first becomes the ruling
principle, so the 'Banyawranda'
have become the cause of everything, and the tribal units Gore
may be thinking of are not really
there."
Even Wamba's car had no gas, and another one had to be brought around to
take me back to
Morgan's.
***
Lusaka came
to see me in the morning. He, like Kisuki, is a very good guy, the most
sensitive
African minister of defense I've
ever met and someone the project can work with. Lusaka
remarked that the Congo's civil
war was a relatively soft one, and were it not for foreign troops
intervening and in fact coming to
blows themselves [viz the UPDF and RPA's embarrassing
firefights in Kisangani] it wouldn't
be lasting so long. "The province of Ituri is unique because it
has all four ethnic groups, Bantu,
Sudanic, Nilotic, and pygmy," he told me. "The Tutsi can be
Congolais, Rwandais, Ugandan, Burundian,
or Tanzanian. We call them all Banyawranda. The
Banyamulenge Tutsi were massacred
by Mobutu and since the state didn't protect them they feel
they have to control the apparatus
of state. But we say to them you should support the republican
Congolais who considers nationality
a juridical, not a biological notion. All Bantu are not
Congolais just as all Tutsi are
not Congolais. They are a bit everywhere. That is Wamba's notion.
The RPF should help us reestablish
the authority of the state, the army, and the administration,
and at that point the Republicans
can guarantee the rights of all Congolais. Fred Rwigema (the
founding leader of the RPF, who
was killed on the first day of its invasion of Rwanda, in October,
l990) was a republican. He was for
le Rwanda pour tout le monde and he was killed by extremists
in his own movement.
"The replacement
of the corrupt RCD command in Mombasa must be accompanied by a big
campaign of sensibilization of the
population, and this where we need your help," Lusaka
continued. "To sensibilize them
about the importance of protecting nature and conservation. The
population doesn't understand that
okapis constitute a great treasure for them. Kenya, Egypt, and
Turkey exist in great part thanks
to money from tourism. If we have peace and the roads are
rehabilitated tourists will bring
much money to Epulu. I am privileged to be a Congolais because
I will leave to my children an inheritance
that neither Rockefeller nor Onassis nor Picasso have left
to their heirs. Neither Rockefeller
nor Picasso left them okapis, white rhinos, and mountain
gorillas. It's inestimable as a
heritage. If I can make these animals multiply I will be proud of my
life."
I
called on Faustin Lola Lapi, the Commissar of Agriculture, Rural Development,
Fishing and
Forests, which also deals with tourism
and the environment. The Commisariat occupies the first
floor a former commercial building
partitioned into small cubicles and is obviously sans moyens.
Then I met with the governor of
the province, Ernest Uringi Pa-dolo. "We're behind UNF 100%
if you're coming to protect our
richesses," he told me. "We will protect your security and the
biens you are bringing. We deplore
the absence of a radio-phone at Epulu. It would be great if
some coop‚rant brought the means
for us to communicate with them." I said it would be great if
the insecurity along the roads from
Mambasa and Beni could be taken care of. "We have one
jeep," lamented the governor. "And
our other vehicles can't leave the city, so there is not much
we can't do about it." The funds
that could have purchased more 4x4's were absconded with by
Mbusa and Tibasima. The coffers
of the RCD-ML are empty.
GARAMBA
Morgan's
son drove me to the airport at 3:00. Kes and Frazer Smith, who were coming
from
Nairobi, were right on time in their
single engine what kind of plane belonging to the Frankfurt
Zoo. With them were their children,
Doungu and daughter's name ?, and their British friend
David Simpson, a freelance editor
who works mostly for UNEP and couldn't have been nicer. (It
is Simpson who calls elephants "ellies"
Frazer had brought along some mosquito canopies which
he distributed to the customs and
immigration people in return for their not inspecting what else
was in the plane. Even so, it took
45 minutes of haggling and palavering before they let us out of
there. Frazer, a short, stocky South
African in his forties wearing shorts and sandals and a khaki
shirt with epaulets, was obviously
a pro at this.
Just as
we were becoming airborne, two tanks with Ugandan soldiers in their
cockpits,
looking ultra-cool with shades and
with cigarettes dangling from their mouths, patched out
of a
hangar adjacent to the passenger
building and took off at full tilt down the road into town, tearing
it to pieces. Looking back on it,
the coup against Wamba may have already been starting. We got
out of Dodge none to soon.
Just of
Bunia are the Blue Mountains, where serious inroads are already being made
into the
valuable timber (Entandrophragma
sp. and Khaya ), and there is I believe some extremely
interesting geology, and after them
the landscape is almost undisturbed by humans. There are only
a few huts and shambas and purposeful
tracks through the ecotone where the eastern edge of the
Ituri Forest gives way to savanna,
and the more numerous, less purposeful tracks of ellies and
other large mammals, meandering
through a jumble of granite knobs, koppis as South Africans
call them. We flew over pure rainforest
of some stature frothing over a rangelet and along a
gleaming ribbon of water meandering
beneath it I spotted a clearing with maybe half a dozen little
domes of thatched mangungu leaf
and no shambas a pygmy camp deep in the forest. Then
Watsa appeared off to the west,
where there was recently an outbreak of Mahrberg virus at
Dodo, the main gold mining camp.
"We're
lucky we don't have the same kind of human pressure as Virunga or Kahuzi
Biega
do," Kes said over the headphones.
The tsetse fly is a large part of the reason why there is still a
lot of wildlife in the savannas
of central Africa. Kes is a reserved, intense, extremely capable
and
focused and determined red-haired
Englishwoman without an ounce of body, a real-life Katherine
Hepburn, definitely a femme de fer,
and the down-to-earth, supremely practical Frazer is her
Spenser Tracy. I could see
why Frazer and Karl have a great friendship. Kes and Frazer met in
Botwsana, where Frazer was a ranger
in one of the parks.
Kes
started out in Africa as a zoologist examining slides of hippo flesh for
parasites, then she
participitated in Ian Douglas-Hamilton's
continent-wide elephant survey, in the course of which
she realized that the rhinos, being
far less numerous, were urgently in need of being located and
protected. She originally thought
that she would work in the national parks of southern Sudan,
where there were several hundred
northern white rhinos, Cerototherium simum cottoni
left. But by the time her
grant money, from WWF Holland, was in place, the civil war between
the SPLA and Khartoum spread into
the parks and all the rhino were completely wiped out, or
there could be one or two left.
So Kes switched her field of study to PNKB, where the last viable
population of the subspecies is
hanging on.
We
crossed the Kibali River, which runs into the Nzoro, which is in the Congo
drainage; the
Congo-Sudan border follows the divide
between the Nile and Congo basins. North of the Kibali
begin PNG's domaines de chasse,
where the local people-- Logo, Azande, Baka, Mondo, Kakwa,
and Lugwara are allowed
to do subsistence hunting with traditional methods spears, snares,
nets. If they use a firearm, which
not a few of them do, it becomes poaching. In the old days,
European and American trophyhunters
paid big bucks to bag a buffalo or a hartebeest in the
domaines de chasse. There are some
shambas in the domaines. They are technically not allowed,
but tolerated. The three domaines
of mixed savanna-woodland are zones tampon, buffer zones,
for the park itself, which begins
north of the Nagera River. A 4600-km2 island of long-grass
savanna dominated by the Loudetia
arundinacea and Hyparrhenia species, with no trees except
the occasional Combretum or sausage-tree
that has taken root in the bare circle of a washed-away
termitarium and the gallery forest
that lines that crevices and fissures of the well-watered, spring-
rich open plain. This was the very
geographical center of the continent, "the bright heart of
Africa," as Alan Root calls it in
his splendid documentary of PNKB, to counter the negative
stereotypes (Conrad's "heart of
darkness," Stanley's "darkest Africa") that have taken hold in the
Western imagination. Big herds of
large animals roam in the grass which was now 6 feet tall.
. The reason for the existence of
this island of grass in a sea of trees is debated : is it natural, or
was it cleared by fires set by the
local people in the past, or due to the high ellie density which
keeps saplings from getting
anywhere, or a combination of the three ? There are now roughly
6000 ellies, give or take a thousand.
In l983, when Kes started working in PNKB, there were
7,500. There was a big wave of elephant
and rhino poaching throughout Africa from 1973-84,
and by l985 the PNKB ellie population
had hit an all-time low of 4,500. By l995 it had rebounded
to 11,000. Then the civil war came,
and it was cut in half. Now it is growing again. Similarly the
buffalo, 25,000 strong in l995,
were reduced to 8,000 in early l997, and are now back up to
13,000, (there wasn't as much poaching
in the second war), and the hippos have gone from 3,500
to 800 to 1000, and the rhinos have
gone from 29 to 26 to 30. The giraffes have gone steadily
down, however (from 178 to 144 to
118), as have the waterbuck (1700 to 1400 to 1100),
hartebeest, kob, warthog and roan.
The animals have been poached out of the northern part or
driven south by mostly Sudanese
poachers. The worst moment was when tk when Kes and
Frazer flew over the Nagera and
it was choked with the carcasses of machine-gunned hippos with
their feet in the air in rigor mortis.
We landed, were greeted by Mbayma Atalia, the conservateur en chef, and
taken to park
headquarters, an impressive compound
of buildings built to last by the Belgians. PNKB was
created in l938. Before that it
had been a station for domesticating elephants. King Leopold's
dream had been to use elephants
for heavy work, like tractors, to build the infrastructure of his
private kingdom in the Congo. He
tried unsuccessfully to introduce ellies from India, and the first
local elephants were captured by
Lt. La Plume in l901 and a station was set up at Gangala da
Bodio, how many km west of Nagera.
In the early days the mother would be shot, and her calf
trained. There are old fotos
of 100 ellies parading with military precision. The ellies were a big
tourist attraction. In l987-8 Kes
tried to revive the domestication program, but Mobutu heard
about the two young ellies she was
training, Kwanza and Ruby, and requisitioned them. Kwanza
died in the Kinshasa Zoo, the sorriest
zoo I have ever seen, and Ruby died in a crate in Isiro, in
which she had spent a month while
arrangements for her to be flown to Gbadolite dragged on. By
l998 there were only 3 regularly
handled ellies; the others had been set free. One had a baby but
both died, so now there are two.
Kes envisions some day elephant-back safaris to tent camps in
the savanna, but it's hard to get
sponsors for that sort of thing, and she has other, more urgent
things on her plate.
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